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Home Breaking News

The US Congress Should Ask What Happened in Karakalpakstan

July 1, 2026
in Breaking News
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The US Congress Should Ask What Happened in Karakalpakstan
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4 years after safety forces opened hearth on largely peaceable demonstrators in Nukus, the capital of Karakalpakstan, the reality about one among Central Asia’s deadliest episodes of political violence stays obscured. The Uzbek authorities’s investigative fee has by no means printed its findings, and the identities of these killed haven’t been formally disclosed. 

Because of this, impartial verification of the demise toll stays unimaginable. Households proceed to attend for solutions, whereas the worldwide group nonetheless lacks an entire account of what occurred in the course of the July 2022 crackdown in Karakalpakstan.

But Washington is making ready to deepen its financial relationship with Uzbekistan. 

Uzbekistan is predicted to accede to the World Commerce Group (WTO) this yr. And as soon as that occurs, the U.S. Congress is predicted to contemplate granting Everlasting Regular Commerce Relations (PNTR) to Tashkent, completely lifting the remaining commerce restrictions related to the Jackson-Vanik Modification. 

Earlier than taking that step, lawmakers ought to ask a easy query: What occurred in Karakalpakstan, and why has the Uzbek authorities nonetheless not absolutely accounted for it? 

A PNTR designation is in contrast to annual waivers (as Uzbekistan has been granted beneath Jackson-Vanik) or non permanent commerce preferences. As soon as granted, it completely normalizes commerce relations beneath U.S. regulation. Congress due to this fact has a uncommon alternative to ask whether or not one of the severe unresolved human rights crises in Central Asia has been adequately addressed earlier than completely eradicating one of many few remaining factors of leverage within the bilateral relationship

The July 2022 protests started after authorities proposed constitutional amendments that might have eliminated Karakalpakstan’s constitutional recognition as a sovereign republic inside Uzbekistan and eradicated its constitutional proper to carry a referendum on independence. Hundreds of residents gathered in Nukus to oppose the modifications. Safety forces responded with pressure that United Nations specialists described as extreme and unjustified. An unverified variety of individuals had been killed, a whole lot had been injured, and a whole lot extra had been detained. Stories of torture and ill-treatment quickly adopted.

What occurred subsequent is much less extensively understood. Dealing with widespread home unrest and worldwide criticism, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev withdrew the proposed amendments affecting Karakalpakstan. 

The broader constitutional reform, nevertheless, continued. Months later, Uzbekistan resumed the constitutional reform course of, and in April 2023 voters permitted a brand new structure that reset presidential time period limits, permitting Mirziyoyev to start counting his years in workplace anew and probably stay president till 2040.

The amendments affecting Karakalpakstan had been withdrawn solely after safety forces had already suppressed the protests. The broader constitutional reforms, nevertheless, remained intact, together with the provisions that reset presidential time period limits. That distinction has acquired far much less consideration than the protests themselves, but it says a lot in regards to the course of political reform in Uzbekistan. 

If the constitutional reforms had been meant to modernize governance, why has political energy turn out to be extra centralized? Why are significant opposition events nonetheless absent from Uzbekistan’s political system? Why do journalists, attorneys, bloggers, and peaceable activists proceed to face felony prosecution? And why, 4 years later, accomplish that many basic questions in regards to the occasions in Nukus stay unanswered?

Amongst these imprisoned after the occasions is Dauletmurat Tajimuratov, a lawyer, journalist, and human rights defender who peacefully opposed the constitutional amendments. In February 2023 he was sentenced to 16 years in jail following proceedings criticized by worldwide observers. In 2026, his sentence was prolonged after further felony proceedings that raised additional considerations about due course of and judicial independence. 

United Nations specialists and the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention have concluded that Tajimuratov’s detention is bigoted and have known as for his instant launch. Stories of torture, deteriorating well being, denial of satisfactory medical care, and more and more harsh jail circumstances proceed to generate concern amongst worldwide human rights organizations. 

Tajimuratov’s case illustrates a broader sample. Reasonably than higher openness following the 2022 tragedy, impartial observers proceed to doc arbitrary detention, restrictions on civil society, and stress on impartial journalists and activists.

None of that is to argue in opposition to nearer U.S. engagement with Uzbekistan. Central Asia is more and more essential to Washington’s financial and strategic pursuits. However deeper engagement shouldn’t come on the expense of accountability for severe human rights violations.

The query earlier than the U.S. Congress is about greater than commerce. PNTR shouldn’t be merely one other step in increasing financial ties; it’s a lasting expression of the US’ relationship with Uzbekistan. 

Congress ought to contemplate whether or not PNTR ought to be granted earlier than Uzbekistan demonstrates significant progress on accountability for the July 2022 crackdown. Publishing the investigative fee’s findings; figuring out those that had been killed; credibly investigating allegations of torture and extreme use of pressure; releasing political prisoners, together with Dauletmurat Tajimuratov; and permitting significant entry for impartial worldwide displays would all reveal that the federal government is ready to deal with the legacy of the crackdown reasonably than go away it unresolved.

Within the aftermath of the July 2022 crackdown, then-UN Excessive Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet known as for a clear and impartial investigation, warning that “individuals shouldn’t be criminalised for exercising their rights.” 

The USA has each cause to pursue a constructive partnership with Uzbekistan, however stronger financial ties ought to be accompanied by significant progress on transparency, accountability, and the rule of regulation. These goals will not be in battle; they reinforce each other. Earlier than granting Everlasting Regular Commerce Relations, the U.S. Congress ought to be certain that the unresolved legacy of Karakalpakstan shouldn’t be handled as a closed chapter just because it has turn out to be an inconvenient one.



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Tags: Central AsiacongressHappenedJackson-Vanik amendmentKarakalpakstanKarakalpakstan protests 2022opinionPNTRShavkat MirziyoyevU.S.-Uzbekistan relationsU.S.-Uzbekistan tradeUnited StatesUzbek constitutional referendum 2023Uzbek constitutional reformUzbekistanUzbekistan reforms
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